| After his troops seized Benghazi, General Archibald
Wavell might drive the Italians as far as to Tripoli. Why did not he do
it? Simple: he ran short of resources.
Yet in October the British command happened to withdraw
some forces from North Africa to give aid to Greece, the aid for now
rather a moral one. The Greeks though proved to be inflexible beyond
expectation, they had fought off advanced Italian divisions, driven
them
back, and close behind them entered Albania. The Greek resistance with
no doubts enabled the British December offensive in Western Desert and
so brilliant conquest of Cyrenaica. But the general situation in the
Balkans was worsening week after week and the reinforcement of British
expeditionary forces in Greece was becoming an urgent necessity. To the
country of the Hellenes had been sent one of two brigades of the 2nd
Armoured Division, two infantry divisions and a considerable part of
aviation, 50,000 men altogether. A highland rifles brigade had to join
them soon. In command was Gen. Henry Maitland Wilson.
Meanwhile, in effect of the German pressure on
Yugoslavia, the autocratic, since a long time inclining to a fascist
ideology government of that country had decided on 25 March 1941 to
enter the sphere of the Tripartite Pact. Thus after Romania, Bulgaria
and Hungary the Germans had to seize without a struggle yet another
loot, especially valuable for its central position in Balkans. However,
the political triumph occurred rather short-lived. On 27 March a group
of senior officers staged a coup d'átat in Belgrade, displaced the
regent, prince Paul, and revoked the agreements with fascist countries.
It meant of course the war, to which the Yugoslav kingdom was not
prepared just like any other country in Europe. The new government
relied on external aid and confirmed itself in its otherwise proper
decision with the Greek example. Unfortunately, those were the
elements,
which could not come true in strategic calculations.
Yugoslavia by that time had the forces of about 160,000
men making 16 infantry divisions, 2 cavalry divisions and some
specialized units, old-fashionedly armed though. The air forces were
weak, and the navy was not a match to the Italian Adriatic fleet. In
case of war the command of the Yugoslav royal army planned to mobilize
the forces as strong as 1,700,000 men. Considering the poor economic
conditions of pre-war Yugoslavia, it apparently would be mostly a crowd
of often barefoot warriors, armed with old shotguns or just sticks,
close by character to Abyssinian partisans. But it never came to the
mobilization of that crowd, completely helpless in face of German
armoured and aviation might. The time simply ran short.
The Germans struck on 6 April 1941 with the forces of
their 12th Army deployed in Bulgaria; the commander-in-chief became
Field-Marshal Wilhelm List. The Yugoslav command at once had committed
the same error the Poles in September 1939 and the French in May 1940
had; instead to organize the defence on more suitable positions in
country's interior, which in case of Yugoslavia could be placed in
inaccessible mountains, the defence of the whole country along the
vulnerable frontiers had been accepted. Due to that mistake Yugoslavia
suffered a literally thunderous defeat, the more so because alongside
the German invasion also Italian, Bulgarian and Hungarian troops
attacked from their frontiers. The 12th Army's strike from Bulgaria
broke within several days the defence, although very fierce in that
sector, and led to the fall, on 13 April, of Belgrade, the capital of
the country. The Germans without a fight seized the city, heavily
destroyed by air bombardments on the first day of the war. In other
sectors the Yugoslav army found itself in a state of complete rout. The
Yugoslav kingdom was scattered as well. Its western area, Croatia, was
producing its own, puppet separateness, patronized by invaders. Thus
was
created a monster called Independent State of Croatia, the chief of
which became with Hitler's grace a certain Ante Pavelić. In Slovenia
too
the decentralizing tendencies were crystallizing, but the Italians,
after the occupation of Ljubljana, scattered an emerging local
government.
On 14 April morning a new chief of staff of the Yugoslav royal forces,
Gen. Danilo Kalafatović, issued directions, which stated:
In result of defeat on all
the fronts, in result of a complete disintegration of our troops in
Croatia, Dalmatia and Slovenia, and after a comprehensive examination
of
our political and military situation we have come to the conclusion,
that any further resistance is impossible and may only bring about the
unnecessary bloodshed, without any prospect of a success; furthermore
as
neither our nation nor its military leadership wanted the war, we have
resolved (...) to ask the German and Italian commands to cease the
hostilities. [ 1]
Next day the Yugoslav government had convened in the town of Niksic in
Montenegro the last session on the native soil. It was resolved, that
concerning the German demand of unconditional capitulation the army
would surrender, while the government and infant king Peter II would
leave the country. It was assumed that this way Yugoslavia as a state
would not be tied by the conditions of the capitulation and thus would
not be regarded for a defeated country. Kalafatović capitulated on 16
April. Reportedly he expected that he would obtain for the conquered
country a status similar to that of conquered France. Apparently he did
not, just like the French, pay any attention to Czechoslovak or Polish
experiences. German generals had simply ridiculed him. Instead they
immediately started the dismemberment of the kingdom. Apart of Croatia,
which with Bosnia and Herzegovina was separated as a petty
pseudo-state,
the carved Serbia with Belgrade got a status of something like a German
colony, whereas Montenegro became an Italian protectorate; the Germans
simply incorporated a part of Slovenia to the Reich, the whole Dalmatia
and most the islands were incorporated to Italy, furthermore the
Hungarians took the area between Tisa and Danube, whereas the
Bulgarians
took almost whole Macedonia.
The campaign in Yugoslavia lasted nine days. It
consisted in systematic scattering and annihilation of Yugoslav groups,
which failed to fight a single serious battle. About 350,000 prisoners
of war were captured by invaders.
The liquidation of Yugoslavia took place simultaneously
to the liquidation of the Greek resistance. On the same day, 6 April,
the formations of German bombers attacked both Belgrade and the Greek
port of Piraeus. A bad fortune would have it that a ship loaded with
trotyl was hit there and the port literally blew up. The army troops
meanwhile rushed from Bulgaria to Salonika and on 8 April seized that
important Greek city.
The Greeks so far accurately observed the principles of
neutrality towards Germany to avoid a provocation of an Italy's
dangerous ally. At long range it failed since the Germans could not
indifferently look at the Italy's shame. Upon a Yugoslav opportunity,
Hitler decided to strengthen Mussolini's authority seriously impaired
by
recent failures. Of course a major role played the necessity to secure
the Balkan wing on account of an already planned new strike, which had
to turn in the direction of Moscow. Whereas in the article of the
German
intervention the Greek army simply proved too weak. Actually it was
extended to 600,000-men strength, it was assisted by the British
expeditionary corps, but the biggest part of those forces was engaged
beyond the Albanian frontier. The Germans meanwhile struck from the
very
north, from Bulgaria across Yugoslavia, and with their armoured and
mechanized divisions easily pierced through the weak Greek
fortifications.
The Prime Minister of Greece was at the time Aléxandros
Koryzis. A university professor and a theoretician, he met the king's
demand to assume, after the death of Ioánnis Metaxás, an overwhelming
burden of duties of wartime Prime Minister, to which he was not
prepared
either professionally or psychically. The Greece's defeat drove him to
despair. On 18 April, when during the consultation of ministers the
king
addressed them with a question: who is responsible for army's
capitulation without a government's consent? - Koryzis unexpectedly
answered: me. The state's defence and its internal affairs were in
my hand. I have failed to observe them. Then he rose, kissed a
king's
hand and left the meeting. On his return to home he told to his wife
and
children awaiting him with a dinner, that he would sit down to table
when he wash his hands. He made for the bathroom, from where resounded
a
shot. He died before the door was broken open. [2]
The German strike within a dozen of days broke a hard
so
far Greek defence. On 27 April invaders from the north entered Athens.
Between 26 and 28 April the remnants of the army, whipped British
expeditionary corps, king George II, royal court and government
evacuated to Crete. The British had saved 43,000 men out of 57,000. But
the soldiers, like those from Dunkirk, lost all their equipment.
Unfortunately, the biggest Greek island had to become the final stage
of
the defeat. The defence command actually gained three weeks, but it
could undertake virtually no measures. British air forces had no
possibility to deploy there appropriately equipped bases, so they were
eventually completely withdrawn to Egypt. From there contemporary
fighter planes could not reach the island located about 600 kilometres
away. Thus the troops in Crete, armed mostly only with rifles and light
machine weapons, possessed no air support. The Germans on the other
hand, after they had seized Greek coastal airfields, enjoyed a complete
ease in the air. They exploited it utterly.
On 20 May started a decisive assault on Crete, a unique
operation of a sort during the Second World War. It was conducted fully
and finished almost entirely by air and airborne forces commanded by
Gen. Kurt Student. The Allied forces were commanded by a New Zealander
Gen. Bernard Cyril Freyberg. He could not do too much, having about
thirty battalions of poorly armed infantry. The Germans struck with two
divisions transported by 500 aircraft and 80 gliders; 430 bombers and
200 fighters supported the landing. An Australian correspondent of the
London's Times wrote about amazing capacity for organization of
the Germans:
To augment their activity
both in the air and on the land the Germans had standing reconnaissance
over Crete for twenty-four hours a day. (...) Never has wireless been
used to such an extent as in Crete to control manoeuvres. Contact
between land forces and aircraft reconnoitring or bombing above them
was
continuous. The land commander could order out one of the bomber
formations to assist him if he needed bomber assistance immediately. He
could ask one of the standing reconnaissance aircraft above him where
and what the British were doing and get a reply immediately. [ 3]
Those were the incredible and complete methods of a total war organized
to a perfect degree. It may be added, that but bombers and fighters the
Germans used there 50 reconnaissance planes.
On the British-Greek side during the battle of Crete might be noted
only an improvisation, sometimes determination, but generally a clumsy
guerrilla. In these circumstances the fate of the island was sealed. On
1 June at dawn the evacuation of Crete was completed. However the ships
carrying people were frequently sinking, incessantly attacked from the
air, so eventually over 10,000 British soldiers only were left to their
fate, it means exposed to an undoing or captivity.
John Frederic Charles Fuller wrote about the Greek campaign, that it
so far as the British were
concerned, was purely a political one. It should never have been
fought,
for though Britain had pledged her word to support Greece, to do so
with
a token force in order to "save face" in the eyes of the world, was in
no sense a fulfilment of her pledge, and in every sense a betrayal of
general Wilson's army. Further (...), its repercussions in Africa were
disastrous. [ 3]
But inaccessibility of the Greek mountains and the valour of a Greek
soldier certainly entitled the British leadership and command to
calculate a better turn of the Greek campaign. So, Fuller, writing
about
a "purely political campaign", only partially is right. Certainly to
London it was a political campaign, but the operational opportunities
existed too. These calculations failed though; whereas the influence of
the defeat on the African campaign proved to be actually disastrous.
- М. Босанац, Удар на Југославије
- A. Papagos, The Battle of Greece 1940-1941
- J. F. C. Fuller, Second
World War 1939-45. Strategical and tactical overview
|