In the end of October 1940 a beautiful Mediterranean
autumn ruled in Rome and Athens. But to the Greco-Albanian frontier
running through the wilderness of the Pindus plateau came a Balkan
winter - cold, rainy, even snowy in upper parts of the mountains. In
that frontier, which separated Greece from Italian-occupied Albania,
since some time had been freezing soldiers of both sides: Italian, who
by Mussolini's will were about to march on Athens, and Greek, who were
preparing to defend their country of the invasion. Italian soldiers
expected a tourist march to Athens, after which they would promptly
return to their homes. The commander of the Aquila Battalion
from
the 3rd Alpine Division (Giulia), Major Fatuzzo, on 27 October
1940 noted in his diary:
At 20:30 from the regiment
comes the Order No.4: operation commence. The war starts tomorrow. The
rain is frenetic and incessant. Water gets to the tents encamped in a
muddy terrain. It's hard to sleep. Today is my son's anniversary. Six
years. A baby.
What do the soldiers think? I come out to the rain. I can hear voices.
Not all of them are sleeping. Many of these boys are awaiting the dawn
anxious what the war is like. Me too. [ 1]
It was the fascism to instil them - ranks and files - with the
romanticism of war and the idea of easy conquests. But such were the
views of the one, who ordered them to attack Greece - the fascist
dictator of Italy, il duce Benito Mussolini - and the one, who
masterminded the invasion - Mussolini's foreign minister and
son-in-law,
Galeazzo Ciano. According to them Greece, ruled by corrupted gang
of
plutocrats and English agents, after one blow would fall like a house
of
cards. [2]
Meanwhile hitherto revolting and politically split Greek society united
around the higher goal, which was the defence of the Greece's
independence and sovereignty. So, when on 28 October 1940 Italian
forces
crossed the Greco-Albanian border, they met the defence, which
surprised
them. Because the whole nation stood against the invasion. While the
border troops were waging heavy fights with the Italians' assault
grouping, in the whole country was carried out a general mobilization
and soon first reinforcements rushed towards the frontier. There
however
they had to enter the mountains. Vehicles, trains, artillery were
stalling. The words that soldiers were freezing, that they missed food
and ammunition, spread throughout the mountain villages, where only
oldies, women and children had remained - all the men capable to carry
weapon went to the war. Greek women hastened with help to their
soldiers. They carried baskets with bread, they dragged improvised
sleighs with machine-guns through the snow, they harnessed themselves
to
the mountain howitzers. Where mules could not pass, they carved paths.
An eyewitness of those contests, Greek officer, writer and historian
Angelos Terzakis recalls
black zigzags of their
columns here and there on the white horizon. One can see black-clad
women forcing their way through the snow. Around the noon November 30th
the weather cleared up and Italian spotting planes appeared. On the
slopes of Grammos an Italian air patrol detects one of those
processions
and opens fire from machine-guns. Eleven women fall cut by the series.
Other women take their places in the column. [ 3]
This Greek "no" boldly thrown into invaders' face was a significant
factor in the cause of the repulsion of fascist conquests.
The great triangle of the Balkan peninsula covers about
500,000sq.km and is mostly mountainous, split into many lands with
varying relief, soil, climate, vegetation and animals, and therefore
varying ways of human habitat. Balkans' natural extension is Asia
Minor,
with which it constitutes the platform between Europe and Asia. Hence
the capital role of Bosphorus and Dardanelles, through which runs the
seafaring route linking the Mediterranean with the Black Sea. Balkan
lands' location in relatively open space and actually lesser access to
the seas caused, that the peninsula for millennia has been a
battleground of expansion and rivalry of various outer powers. In the
ancient times Balkans were conquered by the Rome. Its descendant, the
Byzantine Empire, for several centuries tried to hold the peninsula in
its possession, although the migrations of nations, and particularly
the
settlement of the Slavic tribes, changed its ethnic composition and
created basis for the establishment of new independent realms.
The shaky Greco-Slavic balance was destroyed in 14th and
15th centuries by the invasion of the Turkish Ottoman Empire, which at
the peak of its conquests encompassed almost the whole area. Several
centuries of the Turkish rule brought catastrophic consequences: wars,
spread of Islam, cultural deformation, and economical and
civilizational
underdevelopment. Since the battle of Vienna (1683) the area of
Turkey's rule shrunk as it had been driven back by the Austrians,
Russians and indigenous liberation movements. But it was not until 230
years later that it was limited in 1912 to a scrap of the European
continent (East Thrace) by the effort of the Balkan nations themselves.
However, new independent states - Romania, Bulgaria, Serbia,
Montenegro, Albania and Greece - emerged from the First Balkan War
against Turkey antagonized and promptly started hostilities among
themselves. The year 1913 brought a major fratricidal conflict, the
Second Balkan War, in which the Bulgarians were defeated by allied
Serbs, Greeks and Romanians, and which shaped divisions among Balkan
peoples. Divisions even deepened and strengthened during the First
World
War.
In 1914-1918 Serbia and Montenegro, then Greece, and finally Romania
were involved in war alongside the Entente, whereas Turkey and Bulgaria
allied with the Central Powers. Formally neutral Albania was ravaged by
both sides of the conflict. Bulgaria, defeated once again, ultimately
lost her access to the Aegean Sea. Turkey, also defeated, faced a total
disaster. She was saved by the democratic revolution and reforms
carried
out by Mustafa Kemal (Atatürk), discords among Entente powers, help
from
Soviet Russia and victory in war with Greece. Greece desired to restore
the Byzantine Empire by reconquest of Asia Minor (1919-1922). This
attempt resulted in Greek army's defeat in the battle on the Sakarya
River (1921) and a catastrophe to the Hellenic population, which had to
abandon Asia Minor after having lived there over 3000 years.
Inter-war relations in the Balkan Peninsula were shaped by the
Versailles treaty. Serbia, Montenegro and southern Slavic lands of the
former Austro-Hungarian monarchy made a new country - the Kingdom of
Serbs, Croats and Slovenes (since 1929 - Yugoslavia), which together
with Romania and Greece was interested in keeping its possessions. With
time also Turkey joined them. This alliance became formal on 9 February
1934 when the four countries signed in Athens a political pact,
so-called Balkan Entente. The pact foresaw mutual assistance of the
parties in case of an aggression of a third Balkan country - presumably
Bulgaria. Moreover Yugoslavia, Romania and Czechoslovakia created
so-called Little Entente to protect themselves from Hungarian
expansionism. Those pacts, which were supposed to preserve Versailles
political status quo, constituted important links in the chain
of France's alliances. The Munich policy had ruined the Balkan security
system. It increased instability through Italian occupation of Albania
and annexation of Austria and Czechoslovakia by Germany, which
therefore
reached the outskirts of the Balkans. She also increased her economic
penetration of the region, which had been gradually transformed into a
III Reich's supply subsidiary. Democracies' counteraction was weak. It
did not halt German economic expansion, and guarantees accepted by
Greece and Romania in spring 1939 brought a doubtful political effect.
Only Turkey, afraid of Italian expansionism, after long negotiations
signed on 19 October 1939 a mutual assistance treaty with France and
Great Britain. The outbreak of the Second World War, and particularly
France's and Great Britain's failure to fulfil their liabilities
towards
allied Poland, caused dismay in those political circles, which sought
closer co-operation with the West. Balkan governments were waiting for
the outcome of the contest in the western front; some of them desired
territorial acquisitions, others wanted to defend their possessions,
but
all of them felt helpless in face of the powers' strength.
Balkan countries represent a substantial manpower and possess valuable
natural resources. But their pre-war economic development was poor and
could not provide adequate armaments and supplies to the armed forces.
Economy was dominated by primitive agriculture. Peasantry constituted
more than the half of the population. For centuries of hard toil they
had been reclaiming plough soil from rocks and marshes but the level of
agricultural production remained low. Grain production, but Greece,
barely covered domestic demand, and only Bulgaria had grain surplus for
export. Substantial portion in export made other agricultural products
like tobacco, fruits, olives and wine. Knowledge and exploration of
mineral resources were inadequate. Yugoslavia mined copper, Greece -
nickel, but the ores were exported raw or semi-raw. Food processing and
textile industries were better developed, while steel production was
virtually non-existent. In 1937 the whole area had produced 320,000t of
steel; almost entirely in Yugoslavia. The total production of
electrical
energy in 1938 barely approached 3 billion kWh. Communication grid was
also inadequate and on top of that the mountainous terrain caused
additional problems. Both roads and railways had a lot of bridges and
tunnels, what augmented the danger of their total paralysis in case of
air raids. Some areas were deprived of railways at all. Therefore the
motor communication played important role both in passenger and cargo
transportation. However merely first steps were made towards its
development. Sea communication was important only in Greece.
Political relations in the Balkans were troubled by religious
differentiation. Catholicism dominates in western Yugoslavia and
northern Albania, other lands are Orthodox Christian. Islamic pockets
were scattered throughout the whole region. Protestantism was present
too, but without major influence. The ethnic mosaic is even more
colourful; generally speaking all the countries are multinational to
some extent. Yugoslavia is basically comprised by three nations -
Serbs,
Croats and Slovenes, as well as a number of minorities like
Macedonians,
Bulgarians and Russians, Albanians, Greeks and Turks, Germans,
Italians,
Hungarians and Romanians, Jews and Gypsies. It must be mentioned,
though
without hazarding into thorough and detailed examination that among
Balkan peoples existed numerous prejudices, tensions and conflicts well
rooted in the past centuries of coexistence and mutual hostilities.
Some
nations pursued domination over their neighbours, other sought
emancipation, and both streams made a fertile soil for all kinds of
extremism, especially nationalism, chauvinism and fascism. The only
political power capable to raise over ethnic quarrels were communists.
Banned and persecuted in all the countries, only they advocated the
perspective of sensible modus vivendi. However, they were often
referred to as a tool in the hands of the Comintern, it means - the
foreign policy of the USSR. It actually came true after massive purges
perpetrated by Joseph Stalin in 1937-1938, which left the communist
movement weak and disorganized. Moreover, many people tended to see in
the non-aggression treaty between the USSR and Germany (23 August 1939)
a kind of alliance between Moscow and Berlin. This tendency left many
communists and their sympathizers disoriented and disappointed.
Pre-war Balkan states were formally constitutional monarchies. At the
eve of the Second World War though democratic institutions were merely
a
fig leaf for more or less open fascist dictatorships. In Yugoslavia
king
Alexander I in the spirit of the constitution of 1931 lifted democratic
freedoms. After his death the country was ruled by great-Serbian
chauvinists with Prime Minister Milan Stojadinović. His régime clearly
evaluated towards fascism and tried to impose Serbian hegemony over
other Yugoslav nations. When Stojadinović was eventually overthrown the
power was seized by the regent, prince Paul, who ruled in name of
infant king Peter II. He had secured an absolute influence on state
affairs thanks to consensus with Dr. Vlatko Maček, the leader of
Croatian nationalists. In Bulgaria, after a series of coups in
1934-1935, political parties were banned and the whole power was
concentrated in the hands of Czar Boris III. In Greece in 1935 the
republic was overthrown and the monarchy was re-established with King
George II. Soon the king became just a decorative puppet as on 4 August
1936 Gen. Ioánnis Metaxás established his dictatorship in result of
coup
d'état. He banned political parties too. In Albania self-appointed king
Zog I had introduced his autocratic régime yet in 1928.
Substantial role in establishing and maintaining
dictatorships played military. Armed forces were dominated by manpower,
for which there was not enough weapon and equipment. Troops were
equipped and trained for fight with similar enemies and were no match
to
the armies, which represented European standard. Balkan countries' main
combat force were land troops. Air forces and navy (but Greece) were
auxiliary services. During the peacetime land forces were substantially
expanded. In case of mobilization they would transform into infantry
with average quantity of field and mountain artillery. Heavy, anti-tank
and anti-aircraft artillery were inadequate. Tank troops were virtually
nonexistent, motorization made just first steps and transportation
mostly sustained on horses, mules and even oxen. It was not until late
1930's that air forces attracted more strategists' attention and
possessed mostly obsolete planes. Only the Greek navy had considerable
combat value. General conscription provided cannon meat, military
careers were reserved for upper classes. A deep social gap divided
ranks
and files from commanding officers.
At the outbreak of the Second World War Balkan countries possessed
mobilization stocks, which could meet urgent wartime needs. In case of
a
protracting conflict they would need to rely on import. Military
industry existed only in Yugoslavia, but it had no adequate material
and
scientific basis. It was capable to manufacture only simple models of
weapons by foreign licenses. Greece and Bulgaria did not have even
that.
Chances to switch civil industry to military production were none.
Therefore it was vital to all the countries of the region, of course to
different extend, to import weapons. Weapons were offered by Germany
and
partially by Italy. Not for free of course, but in return for political
concessions and severance with the Anglo-French block. On the other
hand
France and Great Britain started their armaments relatively late and
had
no significant surplus. In this situation the fall of France in 1940
meant not only the collapse of the main partner of pro-Western
countries, but also further degradation of their defence capabilities
in
the circumstances of growing disbelief in ability to oppose the III
Reich. A Turkish writer and diplomat, Yakup Kadri Karaosmanoğlu, who
represented his country in Holland and saw there the German Blitzkrieg,
in summer 1940 came back to Constantinople, where he found grave moods:
Upon our arrival in
Istanbul friends and acquaintances deemed that we were more optimistic
than it was worth. Back in the homeland everybody believed that the
time
came to refurnish the world, and lost any hope for rescue. What have we
done to bind our fate with the fate of the Englishmen and the
Frenchmen,
used to say some civilian officials from the general staff, and
ignorant diplomats. [ 4]
German economic penetration of the Balkans rapidly increased in late
1930's. It caused antagonisms with British, French and even Italian
concerns, being wiped out from their hitherto positions in the
business.
The most vigorous were activities of the biggest German chemical
concern IG
Farbenindustrie, which first subordinated chemical industry's
foreign trade of the Balkan countries, and then gradually pursued
monopolization of their domestic markets. With time this concern became
the representative of the whole German capital as well as associations
of German industrialists and official German economic institutions,
which sought subordination of Balkan markets to the needs of the German
war economy. To the German leadership I.G. Farben meant in
first
place, that their war machine would be supplied with all kinds of
chemicals, ammunition, explosives as well as many oil products. The
latter attracted particular and growing attention. Because the lack of
crude oil from deficient pits of the central Germany - only partially
healed by production of synthetic fuels of coal - was the Achilles'
heel
of the colossal German military machine. Luftwaffe's warplanes
needed high-octane gasoline. Kriegsmarine's ships needed mazut
and oils. Wehrmacht's tanks and vehicles needed solar oil, fuel
oil and petrol. German armed forces used millions of tons of fuel every
year. And in 1939-1941 the biggest European supplier and exporter of
crude oil was Romania. So Romania's economic subordination to Germany
was critical to the III Reich's war machine. Hungary's importance to
that machine was no less. German aviation industry needed duralumin,
which is composed by copper and aluminium. Within the first war years
German aluminium works produced most of the quantity of this metal:
gradually it reached two hundred thousand tons a year. The primary raw
material of this industry was the Hungarian bauxite. Therefore the
Hungary's dictator, landlocked Admiral Miklós Horthy, might nurse some
anti-German feelings, but he had to provide Germany with bauxite.
Yugoslavia in her turn was seen as the supplier of a range of
non-ferrous metal ores. Absolutely indispensable in small quantities to
enrich and harden steel alloys. Without them there would be no solid
armour for tanks and submarine hulls. Hence the coquetry of the
Belgrade
régime, which nonetheless would constitute no obstacle in flirting with
various renegades among Yugoslav nations, especially among Croatian and
Macedonian nationalists, who would become a German "fifth column" in
their own country.
Such were briefly economic sources of interest in the
Balkans on the part of German concerns as well as Adolf Hitler and his
war economic advisers. But in Hitler's eyes Balkan peninsula also had a
strategic importance. The bigger the longer Great Britain continued the
war and gradually took over the strategic initiative in the
Mediterranean - especially in its eastern part. In those circumstances
subordination of the Balkans became the capital condition for the
German
land forces and Luftwaffe to get to the Rome-Berlin Axis'
vulnerable Mediterranean theatre. The main reason of Hitler's interest
in the Balkans came out from Barbaroßa - the plan to attack the
USSR ripening since early autumn 1940. Therefore, through the economic
and political pressure, at times balancing at the edge of black mail,
Hitler - often supported but even more often surprised by his Italian
allies - started the first stage of the conquest of the Balkans.
Originally the Germans quite carefully strengthened their influence in
Hungary and Romania. But in July 1940 it came to a serious conflict
between the two countries. For Hungary spelled out her claims to
Transylvania. Germany and Italy had to take a position in the conflict.
In August, by the decision of so-called Vienna Award, they imposed on
conflicting parties the solution, which served their own interests:
they
gave a large portion of the northern Transylvania to Hungary and the
southern part of Dobruja to Bulgaria. They also approved the USSR's
incorporation of Bessarabia, since 1918 under Romanian occupation.
Those
were major territorial losses, which agitated Romania. King Charles II
had to step out in favour to his son Michael. To the prime-minister was
assigned General Ion Antonescu, who opened the way to the fascist
régime, and in foreign affairs closely collaborated with Hitler. Soon,
under the guise of training the Romanian army, the Germans deployed
their troops in Romania and gained valuable initial positions for
invasion on the USSR.
Germans' penetration of Hungary and Bulgaria was
carried
out slower and more cautiously. Nevertheless they gradually created
there a solid strategic rear for the war with the Soviet Union. This
cautious, long-term policy was however disturbed in autumn 1940 by
Italy's attack on Greece. The Greeks' resistance to the Italian
invasion
and their further successes in Albania caused German intervention and
occupation of the Balkans. For the relatively low price (10,000 dead)
the Germans had seized the whole south-eastern Europe and seriously
menaced British positions in the Middle East as well as Soviet
positions
in the Black Sea. They had also secured possibility of unlimited
exploitation of Balkan resources. This success, achieved within a short
time and widely advertised by Göbbels' propaganda, had to confirm the
myth of the invincible German Wehrmacht. In fact it was a
victory over weak opponents, who on top of that failed to co-operate
and were internally undermined. To Yugoslavia and Greece the defeat was
equal to national catastrophe. Terror and occupation divisions
destroyed their economic markets and unleashed the rampage of class,
ethnic and religious hostilities, which affected generations of people
even for decades after the war. Since the summer 1941 though Balkan
nations raised to the struggle with fascism. With time partisan fights
assumed mass scale and transformed into regular war. It was the main
and decisive force there till autumn 1944, when the Red Army approached
the Balkans, and constituted an important theatre of the Second World
War.
- M. Cervi, The Hollow Legions: Mussolini's Blunder
in Greece 1940-1941
- G. Ciano, The
Ciano Diaries, 1939-1943
- A. Terzakis, The Greek Epic, 1940-1941
- Y. K. Karaosmanoğlu, Zoraki Diplomat
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